The Impact of Access Legislation on the Conservation,
Exchange and Use
of Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture:
A Review of Access and Benefit Sharing Provisions
Chris Wold(1)
May 28, 1999
(edited October 3, 2000)
Note: The author has received permission to distribute this edited
summary of the paper. The full paper is not available. The
legislation reviewed in this paper can be accessed by returning to
Project Resources.
I. Introduction
A. The Terms of Reference
Regional organizations and national legislatures are beginning to
respond to recent changes in international law concerning access to
genetic resources and the sharing of benefits deriving from that
access. The International Undertaking of 1983 had established that
"plant genetic resources are a heritage of mankind to be preserved,
and to be freely available for use, for the benefit of present and
future generations." The Convention on Biological Diversity
(CBD)(2) significantly changes the
rules relating to control of genetic resources. Article 15 of the CBD
affirms a State's sovereign rights over its genetic resources and its
ability to regulate access to genetic resources. Parties to the CBD,
however, must also facilitate access to genetic resources for
environmentally sound purposes, subject to mutually agreed terms, and
prior informed consent (art. 15(2)-(5)). Any national legislation
must not run counter to the objectives of the CBD (art. 15(2)). The
Parties also must fairly and equitably share the results of research
and development and the benefits arising from commercial and other
use of genetic resources with the Party providing such resources
(art. 15(6)). By creating these rules relating to access to genetic
resources, the CBD seeks to conserve biological diversity,
sustainably use its components, and share fairly and equitably the
benefits arising from the use of genetic resources (art. 1).
Although it has revamped the legal regime relating to genetic
resources, the CBD fails to address several important issues. Of
particular importance for the exchange and use of plant genetic
resources for food and agriculture (PGRFA), it fails to address
ex situ collections acquired before entry into force of the
CBD (see art. 15(3)). Ex situ centers around the
world, including the International Agricultural Research Centers
within the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research
(CGIAR centers), possess vast collections of germplasm held "in trust
for the international community." The extent to which the CGIAR
centers and their ex situ collections are affected by the
CBD directly depends on a country's legislation to implement the
access and benefit sharing provisions of the
CBD.
This paper comprehensively assesses the impacts of access
legislation on the exchange and use of PGRFA. It pays particular
attention to the impacts of access legislation on the exchange and
use of genetic resources by the CGIAR centers. Section I(B) concludes
this introduction by identifying several key issues that the
International Plant Genetics Resources Institute (IPGRI) and other
CGIAR centers should address to clarify the scope of access
legislation vis-a-vis the CGIAR centers. Section II summarizes the
factors used to assess the impacts of national legislation on the
conservation, exchange, and use of PGRFA. Section III analyzes
legislation promulgated, and significant proposals drafted, in
response to article 15 of the CBD. It specifically addresses
legislation's potential impact on the --
- conservation, exchange and use of PGRFA;
- creation of a multilateral system of exchange as currently
being discussed in the FAO's revision of the International
Undertaking; and
- operations of the CGIAR centers in accessing plant genetic
resources and making their resources available for use in
accordance with its mission and its guiding principles on
intellectual property rights, and the agreements signed with FAO
placing their in-trust germplasm collections under the auspices of
FAO.
Section IV recommends areas of research and identifies other types
of involvement that may be desirable for IPGRI in advising national
programs on access legislation. Annexes I-III includes key documents,
such as the most recent revision of the International Undertaking, as
well as the legislation and draft legislation reviewed in this paper.
Annex IV includes an annotated bibliography of literature on access
legislation looking in particular for any assessments of efficacy of
existing access legislation.
B. Summary Conclusions and Key
Issues
This paper concludes that regional organizations and national
legislatures have paid scant attention to the impacts of access
legislation on the conservation, exchange and use of PGRFA. In
addition, despite the ongoing multilateral negotiations to revise the
International Undertaking within the FAO and the importance or
CGIAR's ex situ germplasm collections to research around the
world, regional organizations and national legislatures have not
crafted access legislation to promote the goals of the Draft
Undertaking's Multilateral System of Access and Benefit-sharing
(MUSAB) or to ensure the free exchange and use of germplasm with the
CGIAR collections. In fact, not one law specifically mentions PGRFA.
The draft model legislation of the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) uses the term "germplasm," but then only to limit the
circumstances in which the competent authority may impose
restrictions on access.
While most of these laws and bills do not actively discourage
conservation, exchange, and use of PGRFA or the creation of the
MUSAB, they do create substantial hurdles to the exchange and use of
PGRFA held by CGIAR institutes. For example,
none of the laws reviewed expressly exempt
ex situ genetic resources acquired before entry into force
of the CBD or the applicable implementing legislation from access
procedures. In the absence of other national or international law or
an agreement between the host government and the institution to the
contrary, the exchange and use of these resources requires prior
informed consent, the creation of an access contract, and other
requirements imposed by access legislation. Although the inclusion of
ex situ resources does not contravene Article 15(3) of the
CBD (Article 15(3) does not exclude ex situ genetic
material but rather expressly includes in situ
resources in the access and benefit sharing regime), it does create
substantial uncertainty concerning application of the access
requirements to ex situ resources. As an example, CGIAR
centers in Africa may need to ascertain the provider of all the
genetic material in their collections and then obtain that person's
or institution's prior informed consent before the material can be
used or exchanged, regardless of when the CGIAR center collected the
material.
While each law or draft presents unique problems, several problems
or key issues emerge from a review of the laws and drafts. These
include the ownership and control of genetic resources, especially
ex situ resources, the meanings of "derived products" and
"derivatives," the expansive coverage of all bioprospectors including
informal plant breeders, and conditions of access that may be
difficult for a CGIAR center to meet.
1. Ownership and Control
of Ex Situ Collections
Most if not all of the laws and drafts do not clearly determine
the applicability of access rules to ex situ collections.
The laws generally declare that the State has sovereign rights over
its genetic resources, including ex situ genetic resources
and derivatives (or derived products), and grants the State the right
to determine the conditions of access to those resources. The laws
and drafts also extend the law's scope to genetic resources,
including ex situ genetic resources and derivatives (or
derived products).
Once they assert ownership and control over any genetic resources,
these laws do not grant any exemptions for the exchange and use of
ex situ collections. In doing so, the laws confuse ownership
of ex situ resources, particularly those acquired before the
entry into force of the CBD or access legislation. One author
commenting on Peru's access legislation has written that "it is
anticipated that those [ex situ genetic
resources] in place before the coming into force of the
Convention on Biological Diversity would not be affected at
all."(3) Regarding the Philippines
access legislation, one lawyer said that the Philippines owns genetic
resources.(4) However, others dispute
this claim, believing that no one owns genetic resources in the
Philippines -- the resources are held in trust for the international
community. Others note the ambiguity in national legislation and that
the ambiguity creates problems relating to implementation of
obligations imposed by access legislation.
The CBD is perhaps the pivotal legal moment in time for ex
situ resources, because the CBD changes the legal status of
genetic resources. Under the International Undertaking of 1983,
genetic resources prior to the CBD were considered to be the common
heritage of humankind, freely accessible and not capable of
ownership. Ex situ centers collected and stored germplasm
during this time. But, "to whom that treasure ultimately
belongs"(5) is difficult to say and
requires further research. Perhaps the collections are a common
heritage resource, and not subject to ownership. If so, the novel
legal question is whether the CBD's subsequent, different legal
regime, which allows State ownership of genetic resources, can change
the ownership of resources collected under the previous legal regime.
The question also arises as to whether a State can nationalize
resources acquired as common heritage resources. A strong argument
can be made that the answer is "no", particularly for genetic
resources for which the host country is not the country of origin.
The FAO/CGIAR Agreements may provide support for this argument to the
extent that a country hosting a CGIAR Center is a member of the FAO.
But, these agreements are not international treaties which may
prevail over inconsistent domestic legislation. At best, they are
statements of policy of FAO members and CGIAR centers.
The agreement between a CGIAR Center and the host government may
provide a way out of this mire. If those agreements stipulate that
the genetic resources held by CGIAR Centers are held "in trust for
the benefit of the international community," then it is doubtful that
the host country can claim ownership over those genetic resources.
IRRI's collection is exempt from Philippine access rules apparently
due to language included in the agreement between IRRI and the
government of the Philippines.
Even if this question of ownership is resolved in favor of the
CGIAR centers, the State may still regulate the use of those
resources and require bioprospectors to submit a request for access
to the resources of CGIAR centers. States, in general, are free to
regulate persons and institutions within their jurisdiction. A State,
for example, can regulate the activities of its citizens on the high
seas even though that State does not have territorial jurisdiction
over the high seas or the resources in it. Thus, although the CBD
does not extend its access and benefit sharing provisions to pre-CBD
ex situ genetic resources, it does not expressly prohibit a
Party from doing so (CBD, art. 15(3)). Parties simply have no legal
right under the CBD to invoke the CBD's access and benefit
sharing provisions to pre-CBD ex situ collections.(6)
Nonetheless, the CGIAR centers' ownership of their resources may
impose limits on the extent to which the State can regulate those
resources. For example, a State requirement for benefit sharing
relating to the use of privately owned resources could constitute an
expropriation of private property, also called a "taking."
The clearest way to avoid these problems is for legislation to
state expressly and precisely the status of ex situ
resources. In the alternative, the CGIAR centers could negotiate
agreements with the host country to exempt their collections from
access requirements. This may not resolve the ownership question, but
it may resolve the extent to which access legislation applies to the
ex situ collections of CGIAR centers.
2. Derivatives and
Derived Products
Several of the laws confuse the meaning of "derivative" and
"derived product." Peru's draft access regulations, for example,
refer to "genetic resources and their derived products." An
"authorization of access" means permission to access "genetic
resources and their derived products" (Peru Draft Regulations, art.
1). But, an "access project" means a project to investigate genetic
resources and derived products (art. 1), suggesting a meaning
different from a product deriving from a genetic resource. Later, the
draft regulations refer to "genetic resources and their
derivatives (art. 21(a)). Peruvian legislation does not define
either "derived product" or "derivative", although Decision 391 of
the Andean Pact, which applies in Peru, defines "derivative" to mean
biochemicals not containing genetic material.(7)
As a result, Peru's draft regulations do not make clear whether
the access rules apply to biochemicals lacking genetic material or
innovations made from genetic resources. If the access procedures
apply to genetic resources and any innovation of the genetic
resource, then a CGIAR center may need to account carefully for the
origins of all innovations deriving from genetic resources held in
their collections. These innovations may be subject to prior informed
consent and benefit sharing provisions, among others. For
agricultural germplasm, the situation is particularly dire because
one germplasm sample often derives from several, if not dozens of
other genetic resources. The task of determining the lineage of all
samples and of tracking any subsequent innovations is large indeed.
Whether an ex situ center can accomplish such a task depends
on the quality of its records and the size of its collection. The
duty becomes more burdensome if the law covers pre-CBD
accessions.
3. Derived Products of
Traditional Knowledge
Brazil's Bill 306/95 poses an interesting twist on the derived
product issue by extending the scope of the law to derived products
of traditional knowledge. Local communities and indigenous
populations also have "exclusive rights over their traditional
knowledge, and they alone are entitled to surrender them" (Bill
306/95, art. 45). Even when the derived products or innovations are
outside of Brazilian territory, the State must protect these rights
(art. 44). The Bill thus asks Brazil to protect the rights of
indigenous peoples to their traditional knowledge by ensuring that
any bioprospectors first obtain the justified informed consent of the
indigenous populations before using their knowledge, and products
deriving from that knowledge. The Bill is expressly designed to
protect the knowledge of indigenous and local communities
"everywhere, even abroad."(8)
Brazil's Bill attempts to remedy past inequitable treatment of
local communities and indigenous peoples, who have seen others profit
from their knowledge and innovations. Thus, if someone wants to
create a product that is based on their knowledge, no matter where
that person is, she must obtain the consent of the appropriate
community to use it and pay for the right to use it. In terms of
righting past wrongs, the logic of Bill 306/95 is persuasive, and
other legislatures may be attracted to it.
Despite the Bill's good intentions, it creates serious enforcement
problems. The first problem relates to the definition of derived
product -- all subsequent innovations deriving from
traditional knowledge, no matter how remotely, are included within
the definition. Any subsequent innovation is within Brazil's
sovereign control and must be protected by the Brazilian State.
Either the State, the providers of each subsequent generation of
traditional knowledge, or the users, must enforce this provision.
This difficult enforcement problem magnifies over time as products
evolve and become less and less related to (derivative of) the
traditional knowledge. Several questions emerge: How does one track
subsequent uses/derived products of traditional knowledge? How does
one distribute benefits to the original suppliers of traditional
knowledge as the derived product grows increasingly more distant from
the traditional knowledge originally obtained? How does one determine
when a product no longer "derives from" a particular traditional
knowledge? Who determines when a product no longer "derives from" a
particular traditional knowledge?
4. Application to
Informal or Noncommercial Plant Breeders
Every law reviewed in this paper applies its access procedures
broadly to include almost any bioprospecting activity or potential
bioprospector, including CGIAR centers. Drafters of access
legislation, to the extent that they carefully consider the law's
scope, are erring on the side of expansive coverage. Thus, even
informal plant breeders must comply with access legislation and those
undertaking research for noncommercial purposes.
The laws generally create a few exceptions, but most do not extend
to CGIAR centers or informal plant breeders. For example, most laws
exempt the exchange and collection of genetic resources and
traditional knowledge by local communities and indigenous populations
(e.g. Decision 391, art. 4), which clearly would not apply
to CGIAR centers but may apply to many informal plant breeders. Some
laws create exceptions or at least more lenient access rules for
academic or noncommercial activities, but these laws themselves are
the exceptions. The access regimes of the Philippines and the Andean
Pact allow universities to enter into framework access agreements
which are designed to permit several different access activities
under one contract. These more lenient provisions apply only to
certain classes of bioprospectors, such as universities and research
institutions. Only the Costa Rican law specifically distinguishes
between commercial and noncommercial bioprospecting by any person as
a means to determine whether more lenient access procedures should
apply (Law No. 7788, art. 71).
The exemption for local communities and indigenous peoples may be
too politically charged to be useful, because the designation as a
local community or indigenous population may trigger other benefits
or rights. Both the exemption for local communities and for academic
institutions may be too narrow to incorporate many informal plant
breeders or CGIAR centers.
The distinction between commercial and noncommercial
bioprospecting is perhaps easiest to apply if the goal is to exclude
informal plant breeders and CGIAR centers from access requirements.
Still, fears may persist that noncommercial transactions may take a
country's genetic resources to another country. There, a commercial
transaction occurs, a person develops a profitable product, but the
country of origin no longer has jurisdiction to require benefit
sharing. This problem could be resolved by using a material transfer
agreement (MTA) that prohibits any commercial use or transfer for
commercial purposes of the genetic resource. The MTA could also
require any noncommercial transfer to a third party to include a
similar provision, unless the person subjects herself to the benefit
sharing and/or other access provisions required by the country of
origin. This issue bears further investigation.
5. Conditions of
Access
Most of the laws include similar conditions for access. For
example, all or most of the laws require the bioprospector to:
- submit duplicate samples of any genetic resources collected to
a designated institution within the country of origin;
- include a national institution or national researchers in the
collection of genetic resources and/or research relating to the
genetic resources collected;
- share existing information relating to the genetic resource
for which access is requested and any uses of that resource;
- share research results with the competent national authority
and the providers of the genetic resource;
- assist in the strengthening of institutional capacities of
national institutions relating to genetic resources; and
- share specific financial benefits.
The laws differ, however, by whether they require a bioprospector
to meet each condition or whether the conditions constitute a "basket
of benefits"(9) that the
bioprospector, the provider of the resource, and the State may
negotiate. Decision 391 of the Andean Pact, for example, allows the
parties to negotiate the provisions (Decision 391, art. 17) while
Peru requires the bioprospector to meet each of Decision 391's
conditions and then a few more (Peru Draft Regulations, art. 21). The
"basket" approach has clear benefits for many bioprospectors because
they may not be able to provide the type of information or support
that the Peruvian approach requires. Bioprospectors and providers can
negotiate conditions that are within their means and meet their
needs.
6. Intellectual Property
Rights and Sui Generis Rights
The use of intellectual property rights (IPRs), especially utility
patents, to protect life forms such as new plant varieties is a
growing international trend. Several of the access laws reviewed here
expressly permit the patenting of new varieties of plants, although
most are silent on this question. Several laws expressly reject
patenting of genetic sequences and life forms (e.g. Costa
Rica, Law No. 7788, art. 78).
In those countries in which the law grants IPR protection to new
varieties of plants, CGIAR centers may find their goal of holding
resources "in trust for the international community", freely
available, more difficult to implement. As new varieties of a staple
crop become protected, CGIAR centers may have greater difficulty
obtaining the new variety for their collection without limitations
imposed by the IPR holder. And, although the CGIAR centers have a
policy of accepting limitations on distribution of a genetic resource
"only to the extent necessary and for a limited time,"(10)
that policy may become untenable as IPR protection for plant
varieties and gene sequences grows. If a CGIAR center can acquire new
germplasm only with limitations imposed on its distribution and use,
the center will incur greater transaction costs. It will need to
draft an increasing number of material transfer agreements (MTA) that
include limitations unique to a new accession and it will need to
monitor subsequent uses of the restricted material to ensure that the
material is used in accordance with the MTA.
Similarly, several laws create, or enable the creation of, sui
generis rights to protect the knowledge and innovations of local
communities and indigenous populations (e.g. Brazil, Bill
306/95, arts. 44-47; Costa Rica, Law No. 7788, arts. 82-85). These
rights tend to grant local communities and indigenous populations
"exclusive rights" over their knowledge which "they alone are
entitled to surrender" (Brazil Bill 306/95, art. 45). While a local
community or indigenous population may be willing to submit to the
conditions of an MTA, that possibility seems unlikely in light of the
history of biopiracy. These groups are unlikely to use their
new-found rights to donate their resources and knowledge so that
others may continue to profit by it without compensating the
providers of the knowledge. This view is unquestionably reasonable.
Just as with IPR-protected material, however, if local communities
assert their rights by imposing limits on the use of their resources,
CGIAR centers may be unable to easily acquire new germplasm and they
will incur additional costs in negotiating unique MTAs with local and
indigenous communities as well as with subsequent users of the
germplasm.
1. Instructor of Law,
Northwestern School of Law of Lewis and Clark College. Mr. Wold is
also an attorney with the Environmental Law Alliance Worldwide-U.S.,
and Of Counsel with the Center for International Environmental
Law.
2. Convention on Biological
Diversity, June 5, 1992, entered into force December 29, 1993, 31
I.L.M. 818 (1992).
3. Anonymous, "Regulation
Concerning Access to Genetic Resources of Peru," page 4 (31 May
1998)(emphasis added).
4. Personal Communication with
Armmand Mejia, Tanggol-Kalikasan (May 21, 1999).
5. Susan H. Bragdon and David
R. Downes, Recent Policy Trends and Developments Related to the
Conservation, Use and Development of Genetic Resources, 17 (June
1998)(Issues in Genetic Resources, No. 7, International Plant
Genetics Resources Institute).
6. For a similar conclusion,
see Lyle Glowka, A Guide to Designing Legal Frameworks to
Determine Access to Genetic Resources, para. 2.1 (1998).
7. Decision 391 of the Andean
Pact defines "derivative" as "a molecule or combination or mixture of
natural molecules, including raw extracts of living or dead organisms
of biological origin, derived from the metabolism of living
organisms" (art. 1).
8. Personal Communication I,
with Eugênio Arcanjo, Legislative Advisor to the Brazilian
Senate (April 28, 1999).
9. I am indebted to Kerry ten
Kate for this phrase. See Kerry ten Kate, The Common
Regime on Access to Genetic Resources in the Andean Pact,
Biopolicy, vol. 2, Paper 6, Section 6 (PY97006) (1997) (available on
the internet at: http://www.bdt.org.br/bioline/py).
10. IRRI, "Policy on
Intellectual Property Rights," Protocol III, para. 2
(undated).