"The creole dialect is essentially two things: an interlanguage and the speech of those whose economic opportunities do not allow them to learn better than a makeshift English" (Reinecke 101). The creole dialect of Hawaii illustrates these two criteria to the fullest. The interaction of the European, Asian, and Hawaiian languages on the 19th century sugar plantations portrays the first. There were Chinese, Norwegian, Japanese, and Spanish immigrants, to name just a few. The second criterion is explained by the fact that most of the immigrants were obligated under contract to work long hours for low pay. In 1852, a normal contract lasted for three to five years, paying three dollars a month, plus room and board. It specified a 12 hour day, six days a week. Thus, most of the immigrants were not at leisure nor had the resources to learn anything more than what was absolutely necessary to understand the plantation boss.
Today, the tropical paradise of the Hawaiian Islands beckons travelers the world over to experience her sandy beaches and crystal clear waters. Countless vacationers respond to the call to enjoy relaxing sunbaths or exhilarating days surfing the pipeline. Over a hundred years ago, the islands extended an invitation to the world quite different from the one she is known for today. In fact, the only similarity between her call of yesterday and her call of the present is that in both cases, answers came from around the world.
The warm tropical weather of Hawaii provided the perfect climate for the cultivation of sugar cane. The islands lacked, however, one crucial element necessary for the sugar industry to thrive. There was not an adequate source of labor for field workers. Thus, the planters sent out urgent messages to far corners of the globe enticing laborers to come and work the vast acres of sugar cane already flourishing in the islands.
From all over the world, tens of thousands of immigrants sailed to the islands in search of better pay and a better life. The Chinese, the Japanese, the Germans, the Puerto Ricans, and numerous others flocked to the ports, anxious to embark on an adventure that would transform their lives forever. In Hawaii, the final destination for them all, cultural conflict was inevitable and language barriers were unavoidable.
Click on the specified areas for a brief history of the people who immigrated to Hawaii from that locale.
The creole dialect of Hawaii had its roots long before the first sugar cane ever sprouted on the vast plantation lands. It began as the basic form of communication between the native Hawaiians and the European whalers who frequented the island ports during the early to mid-1800's. This dialect known as hapa haole speech intermingled simplified English with Hawaiian vocabulary. It was principally, if not solely used, around the harbors and for brief business interactions between the natives and the Europeans. However, interpreters were common enough, so it was not necessary for either to establish a reliable form of communication with the other.The rise of Hapa haole speech from convenience to indispensability occurred on the 19th century sugar plantations. Commonly referred to today as Hawaiian Pidgin English, its primary purpose was communication between the English-speaking lunas (plantation foremen) and the immigrant laborers who spoke no English at all. Many other important uses of pidgin English arose throughout the years. When members of different ethnic groups conversed, they usually relied on pidgin English as their common medium. Children born to immigrant parents, although capable of understanding Standard English, more often than not addressed their non-English speaking parents not in their native tongue, but in pidgin.
Within these communities however, there were distinct divisions among the inhabitants. The most significant divide was the racial one. Present on the plantations was a strict social hierarchy based on race. This hierarchy was not just limited to the classification of white and non-white, but further divided each category. This was best illustrated by the wage distribution. In 1910, Filipino cane cutters were paid $.69 a day while Japanese cane cutters received $.99. While Japanese overseers averaged $1.25 a day, white overseers received $3.01. Although an industrious immigrant did have the slight chance of partially climbing the ladder of opportunity, he would still have to be satisfied with significantly lesser pay than most of his associates. Not all plantations separated their workers' living quarters along racial lines, but the segregation of the immigrants on most plantations afforded the rich planters an easier method of controlling their laborers by keeping organized labor and thus costs, down.
Even after living years in Hawaii, the poor economic and social positions of many of the immigrants resulted in the learning of Standard English not being obligatory or even useful. Many times workers were not paid in cash, but issued coupons redeemable only at the plantation store. Ventures off the plantations were unnecessary as plantation communities sprung up into miniature towns.
Back to Home
